Capital, Absolute Over-Accumulation and the Fascist State (Part five)
I want to summarize a bit at this point, because I received a comment from one person that my writing style made his head hurt. If, I have made this unnecessarily difficult to understand I apologize for that. In part, this arises from the fact that I am grappling with this material as I write these posts. Writing is the way I best absorb what I am reading.
First, in relation to absolute over-accumulation:
Over-accumulation is sometimes popularly referred to as over-production (although this latter term sometimes means different things to different people). According to Marx, over-accumulation of Capital produces a fall in the rate of profit and the crowding out of a portion of the active capital — some portion of the total social capital has to lie idle. In other words, the entire system experiences a severe crisis. General over-production leads to a mass of commodities that cannot be sold and which only reduce the value of the remaining portion. Prices fall, businesses go bankrupt, millions are unemployed, and factories are shuttered. The portion of the total social capital which is forced to lie idle can not function as capital — it cannot be used to exploit labor power to create surplus value, or can only exploit it on condition it accepts a lower rate of profit or even a loss. Which actual capitals are forced to lie idle is decided by competition over how to share losses among the total social capital. Each capital tries to minimize its own loss and pass the burden of losses on to the rest of the class.
A portion of the old capital has to lie unused under all circumstances; it has to give up its characteristic quality as capital, so far as acting as such and producing value is concerned. The competitive struggle would decide what part of it would be particularly affected. So long as things go well, competition effects an operating fraternity of the capitalist class, as we have seen in the case of the equalisation of the general rate of profit, so that each shares in the common loot in proportion to the size of his respective investment. But as soon as it no longer is a question of sharing profits, but of sharing losses, everyone tries to reduce his own share to a minimum and to shove it off upon another. The class, as such, must inevitably lose. How much the individual capitalist must bear of the loss, i.e., to what extent he must share in it at all, is decided by strength and cunning, and competition then becomes a fight among hostile brothers. The antagonism between each individual capitalist’s interests and those of the capitalist class as a whole, then comes to the surface, just as previously the identity of these interests operated in practice through competition.
Under conditions of absolute over-accumulation, however, the problem is not simply that one or another capital must lie idle — i.e., no longer function as capital — the total social capital can no longer function as capital. Even the very biggest capitals can no longer realize profits from the production of surplus value. Conditions are such that the production of surplus value no longer leads to the increase in the mass of social capital and the mass of employed labor power, but to the absolute fall in both the mass of social capital and employed labor power. Capital as a mode of production, i.e., as an economic system, has suffered an absolute breakdown from which it cannot recover.
Second, in relation to absolute over-accumulation and the Fascist State:
The Fascist State arises out of conditions of absolute over-accumulation as a political response to the Great Depression of the 1930s. So far as I can tell, the emergence of the Fascist State in the 1930s was not itself a given in the process I am describing. Rather, it is a political development resulting from the unwillingness or inability of society to reduce hours of labor in response to the Great Depression. Because it legally determines what serves as money, the Fascist State can “purchase” the surplus value produced by the total social capital that would otherwise be unsellable and pay for this consumption with entirely worthless ex nihilo pecuniam. The Great Depression could be managed by the use of the state’s power to create money. It also became generally obvious to the ruling elites of the leading industrialized countries that the increase in the mass of surplus value produced by the total social capital could be utilized by the Fascist State to increase its military power — and this opportunity the industrialized countries immediately exploited first by preparing for total war in the run up to World War II.
For the United States, which as a result of World War II was the last nation standing with its productive capacity completely intact and in fact greatly increased, the ability to absorb an unlimited amount of unsellable surplus output produced not just domestically but throughout the World Market resulted in the accelerated expansion of its unprecedented political, military, and economic power in relation to all other nations. It also resulted in the fact that the accelerating concentration and centralization of capital, which must accompany absolute over-accumulation, proceeds under conditions which gives a competitive advantage to American capital, and forces the capitals of other nations to absorb the losses. The flow of completely worthless American ex nihilo pecuniam into the World Market, generated by massive trade deficits and massive public spending deficits, are, in reality, not an “unsustainable burden” on the U.S. economy, as economists like to pretend, but amounts to the continuous extraction of surplus value from entire nations — who are converted into additional sources of surplus value through this process — and from the World Market generally. The American Empire is, therefore, the realization of the Fascist State — its perfection — as was only dreamed of by failed attempts like Hitler’s Germany and Mussolini’s Italy.
The result of the first process is a catastrophic breakdown of exchange, and a has implications for both production and consumption. Taxes aside, the Fascist State pays out its obligations not by the equal exchange of values, but by offering worthless ex nihilo pecuniam in exchange for the goods it consumes. It is true that taxes are already unequal exchange, but this form of unequal exchange was necessarily limited by the obvious impact of increased taxes on society. Taxes imposed on society result directly in the loss of individual consumption power — a loss which is both obvious and which have on occasion been the spur of rebellions throughout history. Moreover, absent tribute, the State was limited to imposing the burden of its parasitic existence on those territories over which it actually was sovereign.
With ex nihilo pecuniam, there are no such limits: the burden of Fascist State expenditures have no direct impact on society. Rather, society experiences this burden indirectly in constant and pervasive rising prices as the purchasing power of money depreciates — a burden the unscrupulous economist is only too willing to ascribe to a host of other causes — supply or demand shocks, rising labor costs, etc. (Offering an endless list of such “causes” for events so as to obscure THE cause is standard operating procedure for these paid apologists of the Fascist State.) As Keynes observed, within certain limits continuous pervasive inflation of prices, while just as effective as taxation in reducing the consumption power of the mass of society and increasing Fascist State expenditures, also traps the members of society in a false choice pitting the purchasing power of their wages against the possibility of being unemployed altogether:
Thus it is fortunate that the workers, though unconsciously, are instinctively more reasonable economists than the classical school, inasmuch as they resist reductions of money-wages, which are seldom or never of an all-round character, even though the existing real equivalent of these wages exceeds the marginal disutility of the existing employment; whereas they do not resist reductions of real wages, which are associated with increases in aggregate employment and leave relative money-wages unchanged, unless the reduction proceeds so far as to threaten a reduction of the real wage below the marginal disutility of the existing volume of employment. Every trade union will put up some resistance to a cut in money-wages, however small. But since no trade union would dream of striking on every occasion of a rise in the cost of living, they do not raise the obstacle to any increase in aggregate employment which is attributed to them by the classical school.
A kind of perverse “communism” emerged within the World Market as a whole in which the contribution to the common wealth of society is indeed detached from consumption but in a rather bizarre manner: Nations, like China, who produce very large quantities of commodities for export, receive nothing in return for this labor — their exports are essentially provided gratis to the Fascist State.
The result of the second process is the World Historical defeat of the Proletarian Revolution — the challenge by the proletarian class majority of society to capitalist class rule and the almost constant contention between the two classes over which would control the state power. The absolute over-accumulation of capital, since it leads directly to the breakdown of the process of production and exchange, presented the proletarian majority of society with the opportunity to raise itself to political rulers of society. But, this required the reduction in hours of labor for the mass of society and a successful effort to bring the total process of production under conscious management.
Mind you, these required steps were not optional for the working class majority of society. Under conditions of absolute over-accumulation, the profit motive no longer serves as the impetus of productive activity; it no longer performs the function of setting the social capital in motion for the simple reason that, with the breakdown of exchange, the realization of the produced surplus value has broken down as well. The social capital could only be placed in motion under premises that are altogether incompatible with the capitalist mode of production. In Marx’s theoretical model, I believe, the failure to assume control of the production process and reduce hours of labor during the Great Depression was a catastrophic World Historical event from which the Proletariat as a class cannot recover.
The very emergence of the Fascist State in the form of an American Empire presupposes the concentration and centralization of capital into a global capital under the control of the American Fascist State, on the one hand, and, on the other hand, the division of the great mass of proletarians along every possible line and, in first place, their division into numerous inconsequential national working classes — split up into nation states. I think the consciousness of the class as a class, which cannot be anything but a political consciousness, is necessarily confined to the nation state and the contest over power within the nation state. But, it is just this nation state which is converted into a hollow shell with the emergence of the American Empire. Although formally a sovereign power and answerable to no other authority than its own self, the nation state is, in fact, stripped of all sovereignty by the growing influence of the World Market on its internal economic life. Even if, as Marxists continue to insist, the project of the proletariat remains the capture of state power, it is self-evident that exercising this state power as a class is now impossible. There is no way any single national proletariat, or group of national proletariats, can bring the social process of production under their control as the entire social process of production has completely escaped national control. The era of Proletarian Revolutions is over.
The communist movement of society begins on these premises.